weaponized interdependence: how global eco networks shape state coercion
Henry Farrell + Abraham L. Newman
topography of the economic networks of interdependence intersects with domestic institutions and norms to shape coercive authority
globalization => unprecedented levels of interdependence + continued jockeying for power
structural explanation of interdependence in which network topography generates enduring power imbalances among states
-> assymetric networks create the potential for “weaponized interdependence”: some states are able to leverage interdependent relations to coerce others
2 strategies through which states can gain powerful advantages from weaponizing interdependence
institutions designed to generate market efficiencies and reduce transaction costs can be deployed for coercive ends
the role of global networks
globalization -> new (internationalized) networks of exchange
e.g. informational networks (e.g. internet)
liberalism: “complex interdependence” = fragmented polity in which there were multiple actors (not just states), multiple issues (not necessarily hierarchic) and force and the threat of force where not valuable tools of policy
-> emphasis on reciprocal vulnerabilities/dependencies making coercive strategies less effective
premises networks approach authors article =
definition network
networks = two elements
degree of a node = nr of ties that connect it to other nodes
topography/structure of the network = the pattern of nodes and links between them
asymmetric growth: globalization generates networks with stark inequality of influence (distribution of degrees is unequal)
global financial networks = UK and US highly connected nodes
most central nodes are territorially concentrated in advanced industrial econs
centralized network structures are hard for outsiders to challenge: many actors need to defect + defection is not likely unless more people are doing it
new forms of network power
but also: states can weaponize interdependence on the level of the network itself:
both these also in earlier periods of globalization, but now new technology
!geographical skew network hubs -> some states can benefit from weaponized interdependence, others may still play a disruptive role
!national institutions matter: if states want to exploit hubs, they require appropriate legal and regulatory institutions
- e.g. EU countries hard to benefit from panopticum effects bc EU law limits the amount of data that may be collected/stored by commercial internet providers
argument
= states variable ability to employ panopticum effects and chokehold effects (forms of coercion) depends on the combination of:
the rise of network inequality - global finance and SWIFT’s centrality
global finance = payment systems (backroom arrangements to facilitate capital flows) with reliable and secure comm between financial institutions
businesses depend on payment systems to move funds from one entity to another
since 1970s = interbank communication provided by SWIFT (Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication)
dominance over financial messaging -> monopoly regulation by the Commission of the European Union 1997: became a quasi utility and had to follow an open access model -> more financial institutions began to use it
the rise of network inequality - the internet all roads lead through northern virginia
in the 1990s seen as a “distributed” network: multiplicity of ties between nodes, but no node more important than another = idea that it was invulnerable to control
- the net interprets censorship as damage -> routes around it = resistance to blockages
in practice: underlying architecture of the internet increasingly centralized + some hubs and interconnections between hubs more important than others
emphasis on self-regulation and individual choice -> private firms can set their own rules in global electronic commerce (e.g. big role ICANN)
business model based on algorithms: US domestic regulations (1996 Communications Decency Act) protect businesses from legal actions aimed at content posted by users -> business model based on content by users, companies were intermediaries analyzing behavior and offering targeted advertising
small nr of firms build effective near monopolies (e.g. Google and Facebook)
*China has excluded these companies + created domestic competitors, but this is hard for small states and liberal democracies
large part global data traffic is channeled through servers of a handful of companies sitting in the US
cloud providers have emerged as central hubs
weaponizing the hubs - SWIFT, counterterrorism and nonproliferation
SWIFT = both panopticon and chokepoint effects
SWIFT = info about most global financial transactions -> used as surveillance asset mostly by the US = panopticon effect
chokepoint effect: disconnection from SWIFT access = bad bc near absence of alternatives
shows that global networks allow great strategic resources: in counterfactual world without network structures US and EU could have acted unilaterally by blocking Iran access to their market, but Iran could have easily turned to other partners = would have had smaller effect
weaponizing the hubs - internet: the national security agency, prism and counterterrorism
US dominance over information networks and e-commerce firms
less eager to deploy chokepoint effect:
exception: 2009 protests in Iran, US official asked Twitter to delay temporary technical shutdown bc the official believed Twitter helped organize the protests
US gov sought to protect ICANN from a series of rearguard actions in the UN and other forums
panopticon effect
Snowden revelations -> political uproar -> legal reforms that partly limited US gov access to data of US citizens + presidential policy directive to reassure allies the US would not use citizen’s info in unduly invasive ways
other stats also surveillance activities, but less bc no “home advantage” of network centrality
internet as liberal space with open exchange and cooperation = conceals power dynamics that shape relationships between the US and online comm networks
- information-gathering power degree of the US would not be possible without asymmetric networks
conclusion
NO: eco interactions globalization has fragmented and decentralized power relations
YES: eco interactions generate new structural conditions of power
complex interdependence may generate enduring power asymmetries
implications = eco interdpendence scohlars and securit studies in closer dialogue + IR scholars need to pay more attention to practical workings of networks
States need both leverage over network hubs and appropriate institutions if they are to take advantage of the panopticon and chokepoint effects
! not all markets rest directly on asymmetric networks (e.g. oil markets are sufficiently diversified -> no single point of control -> hard to weaponize interdependence)
states that are less integrated in IPE are less likely vulnerable to information gathering, vulnerability to chokepoints depends on autarky
Targeted states—or states that fear they will be targeted—may attempt to isolate themselves from networks, look to turn network effects back on their more powerful adversaries, and even, under some circumstances, reshape networks so as to minimize their vulnerabilities or increase the vulnerabilities of others
States are locked into existing network structures only up to
that point where the costs of remaining in them are lower than the beneªts: should this change, one may see transitions to new arrangements
as interdependence becomes increasingly weaponized, global supply chains may unravel