Social Class

Question 1

1. Class vs age

Answer 1

Up until the early 1970s voting behaviour was strongly influenced by class and social status.
Class voting was strongly influenced by self interest, with each party defined by protecting and
representing different classes.
The majority of the working class voted for the Labour Party, which was strongly associated
with the trade union movement and traditional ‘blue collar’ industries such as coal, steel and
textiles.
Evaluate The View That Class Remains The Most Important Social Factor Determining The Results Of Elections. (30) - Politics Explained Essay Plan 1
The majority of the upper and middle classes voted for the Conservative Party including
‘white collar’ workers including non-manual workers, business people and property owners.
For some voters, class remains important in determining their identity and how they vote in
general elections.
Some Northern cities including Liverpool and Manchester, for example, still have a strong
working class identity that led to the majority of their constituencies electing a Labour MP in
the 2019 General Election, despite Labour doing very poorly nationally.
In the 2024 election, those from C2 and DE were more likely to vote Reform than those from
the upper and middle classes

Question 2

1. CA

Answer 2

Since the 1970s a process known as ‘class dealignment’ has occurred, where class began to
lose its importance as a determinant of voting behaviour. This was influenced by (1) society and
the economy changing, with increasing affluence, declining importance of traditional blue collar
industries and less pronounced differences between the classes and (2) the parties changing
their policies to try and appeal to all classes so that they can win elections.
Today, class is of limited importance as a determinant of voting behaviour, with Labour in
particular facing the problem of not being associated with protecting the interests of the
Blue Collar working class anymore, especially in the context of Brexit and globalisation.
In 2019, 42% of those in the AB category (managerial) voted Conservative compared to
78% in 1964, whilst just 34% of those in the DE category (semi and unskilled & unemployed
or pensioners) voted Labour compared to 64% in 1964 (IPSOS MORI).
Instead of class, it can be argued that age is a far more significant social factor in determining
the results of elections. In 2017, YouGov called it the “new dividing line in British politics”
.
Older voters are much more likely to vote Conservative, whilst younger voters are much
more likely to vote for Labour or other more left wing and ‘radical’ parties such as the
Greens and the SNP.
In 2024, an estimated 18% of 18-24 year olds voted Green, 41% voted Labour, just 9%
voted Reform and 8% voted Conservative.
In comparison, just 3% of over 60s voted Green. In this age group, 24% voted Labour,
16% voted Reform and 40% voted Conservative.
Turnout is also much higher among older voters, therefore benefiting the Conservative
Party.
Turnout among the 65+ age group in 2017 was around 25 percentage points higher than
among 18-24 year olds.
Voters have always become more conservative as they get older, however recent research
is suggesting that millennials aren’t following suit, which is a big problem for the
Conservative Party, which will have to rely on the ageing population of voters who are
already old.

Question 3

2. Education vs class

Answer 3

In recent elections and referendums, education has also shown itself to be a key dividing line,
with those with fewer formal qualifications more likely to support the Conservatives and those
with university education more likely to vote for Labour and the Liberal Democrats.
In the 2019 election, 43% of those with a degree or higher voted for Labour, 17% for the Lib
Dems and just 29% for the Conservatives.
The Conservative Party won 58% of the votes among those whose highest level of
education was GCSE or lower (YouGov)
In the EU referendum, those without qualifications went 75% for Brexit, whilst those with
university degrees went 75% against.
In 2024, those with high levels of education were again more likely to vote Labour or Lib
Dem, whilst those with lower levels of education were more likely to vote Reform or
Conservative.
There are various explanations for this strong correlation. One key explanation is in relation to
values. Those with lower levels of educational attainment are more likely to have authoritarian
values and therefore support the Conservative Party, whilst those with higher levels of
educational attainment are more likely to have libertarian values and therefore support the
Labour Party or the Liberal Democrats.

Question 4

2. CA

Answer 4

This could be seen as a new class divide, as those with lower levels of education earn less on
average than those with higher levels of education.
This can be seen in the fact that in the 2024 election Reform received higher vote shares
both from votes who were working class and from those who had lower levels of
educational attainment.
Further, the influence of this educational divide is arguably short term and very based around
Brexit, which may decrease its importance in future elections now that Brexit plays less of a
central role in politics.

Question 5

3. Region vs class

Answer 5

Region used to be a key determinant of voting behaviour in elections. Traditionally, the Labour
heartlands were in the North, parts of Wales and in Scotland, whilst the Tory heartlands were in
the South East and the East Midlands.
In elections from 1997, this began to become less important:
In 1997 Blair was able to pick up many middle class seats from the Tories, including in
the South East and East Midlands.
In 2010, the SNP shattered Labour’s dominance in Scotland.
In 2019 the Tories broke parts of the ‘Red Wall’; Labour’s previously connecting
constituencies of dominance in the North. Majorities of over 20,000 were flipped.
The 2024 election can be seen as a return to the importance of region in determining voting
behaviour, however. Labour’s landslide saw them regaining dominance in Scotland and the
North and the Conservatives were wiped out from a number of different parts of the UK and
their remaining 121 seats are almost exclusively rural.
In 2019, the Conservatives had made significant inroads in the North of England and Wales,
winning 56/131 seats. They were almost entirely wiped out in these regions in 2024, as they
returned to being Labour heartlands. In total, they won just 4/131 seats in these regions.
The SNP’s dominance in Scotland was dismantled, with Labour once more becoming the
largest party, winning 37/57 seats.

Question 6

3. CA

Answer 6

It can be argued that the Tories being wiped out of traditional Labour heartlands in the North in
2024 isn’t a return of region being important, but instead simply reflects the fact they did
extremely poorly everywhere, including in their traditional heartlands.
The Conservatives lost a large number of seats to Labour and the Lib Dems in their
traditional heartlands of the South East, South West, West Midlands and East of England.
In the South East, in 2019 the Tories won 74/91 seats. In 2024, they won just 30/91 seats,
with Labour winning 36 and the Lib Dems 24.
Further, region could be seen as simply showing the influence of class. The North used to be
Labour heartlands because they had a high concentration of working class voters, whilst the
South East used to be Conservative heartlands due to the high concentration of middle and
upper class voters.
Today, the regional divide could be seen as reflecting the age/education divide, as cities (for
example London) have a higher concentration of younger and higher educated voters, leading
them to support Labour.
Rural constituencies, which are more likely to support the Conservatives or the Liberal
Democrats, by contrast have a higher concentration of older voters with lower levels of
educational attainment.