Undeniably aspects of the content in source A make the source valuable to an historian studying reasons for soviet
Intervention in CZ
To illustrate this, the source mentions how there is
Unrest ‘against the existing social order’ and how the soviets have received ‘military assistance’ due to ‘conspiracy’ against the Czech govt
Contextually, the Soviets took a keen interest in developments in CZ after
The proposed economically liberal reforms of professor Ota Sik in the mid-1960s, as an attempt to revive the failing Czech econ. Czech leader, Alexander Dubcek, then began to implement these policies under the rhetoric of ‘Soc w/a human face’.
Crucially, this does illustrate some value as it does highlight the soviet reason for intervention, however,
The actual Soviet reason was not one of requested military assistance.
In fact, th key reason was to protect the integrity of the eastern bloc
And prevent CZ from deviating from the strict soviet style of com, thus limiting the value of the source
This is partially reflected int he source if one
Analyses closely
For example, it details how CZ is of ‘vital interest’ and
Bound by ‘treaty obligation’. Indeed, the ussr were determined to protect the cohesion and grip of the eastern satellite states after previous attempts to shift in 1956 by Poland an dhunagery
Thus, whilst th source does overemphasise the importance of softer, more acceptable reasons for Soviet intervention,
It does in fact hide the more nefarious reasons for intervention, thus limiting value
Prov= source A is a memorandum from the soviet govt to the Americans; as such it is of value for showing the
Official soviet line on the reasons for the invasion as given to the western powers.
The tone is reasonable, and the language is non-idleogical; the emphasis is on ‘threats’ to security by ‘forces of aggression’, and despite
The fact that it is clear the intervention was motivated by pol ideology, limiting its value
The fact that it was given the day before the invasion is also interesting as clearly this meant that the Americans were being presented with
A pre-made decision;given the motives of the Soviets here in handing over the ultimatum, its value is limited for showing the actual reasons for the intervtion and only the ‘govt line’ that the Soviets wished the us to hear.
Also the source was produced the day before the intervention, thus there has been no time to reflect on the reasons for
Intervention that a more delayed source might offer in postering to analyse the exact causes.
However, the prov does demonstrate some value in areas
The fact that it was personally given to Johnson by the ambassador is of value for showing that the Soviets were very keen to stress the legality of their actions and to avoid any American condemnation or interference that might undermine moves towards greater coopeartion and detente that were underway during the 1960s
Overall, the source is only partially valuable for investigating the reasons for intervention in CZ. This is largely due to the prov of the source
Which in origin and in date forms an official line from the com party providing justification but obfuscating true rationale. Moreover, in date the source predates the invasion. Thus it lack the reflection and posterity often required to more rationally judge causation and make judgements. In summary, it is only partially valuable for ‘official’ soviet line
Illustrating the early aims and limitations of summit diplomacy in 1985.
The source is valuable for showing that reagan’s admin viewed the Geneva meeting as the potential start of a ‘fresh start’ inUS-Soviet relations
Nitze emphasises the ambition to reduce nuclear arms by 50% and lays out a desire to negotiate an INF Treaty - both of which became central goals in the summit process over the next 3 years
Contextually, this reflects the significance of Geneva as the first superpower summit since 1979.
Although it achieved no formal agreements, it marked a symbolic breakthrough, with both sides committing to future arms reduction talks and agreeing that ‘a nuclear war can never be won and must never be fought’
Nitze’s reference to ‘give and take’ also reflects the growing realism in the Reagan admin that
Diplomatic progress would require compromise.
The source is also valuable for revealing the limited achievements of the summit -
Nitze openly admits that Gorb made no concessions on SDI, showing that fundamental tensions remained beneath the improved tone of diplomacy
Tone- the horse ‘shift in tactics, not the strategy’ is telling — the tone had
Softened, but core issues such as SDI and idleogical opposition still shaped the diplomacy .
While the source does not capture soviet reactions or the depth of remaining hostility, it is nonetheless valuable as a reflection of how the US
Leadership publicly framed the significance of Geneva
South Vietnamese regime in 1975
The source is valuable for revealing how Thieu held the US responsible for the collapse of SV, accusing them of
‘Refusing to aid an ally’ and calling their actions ‘inhumane’. This illustrates the degree to which Thieu felt abandoned by the US following the 1973 PPA, in which he had been largely sidelined. The agreement promised continued US support, but in reality, American demotic pressures - particularly the watergate scandal and anti-war sentiment in Congress— made any renewed involvement politcallly impossible
Thieu’s rhetorical question— ‘are US commitments still valid?’—sharply conveys the breakdown of trust in US-SV relations
The source is also valuable for illustrating the dire military conditions in SV at the point of collapse. Thieu laments that the south was being asked to resist with ‘no weapons, ammunition, helicopters’ and a mere $300mil, a sum h dismisses as ‘sufficient for only 10 days of fighting’