Unit 1 quick notes II

Question 1

5

The Rise of Third Parties and Multi-Party Politics

Answer 1

Third-party support has increased steadily since 1979.

• Liberal Democrats rose during the Blair years – 62 seats in 2005.
• SNP became the third party in 2015 with 56 seats, taking many traditional Labour strongholds.
• Reform UK won 677 out of 1600 seats across 8 Conservative-controlled local councils on Thursday 1st May.
• Coalition government in 2010 – the first peacetime coalition since the 1930s.
  Conservatives didn’t reach 326 seats and partnered with Lib Dems who had 57 seats.

2015 – return to single-party government under Cameron; Lib Dems collapsed, replaced by SNP as third largest party.

• 2017 reversal – SNP lost 21 seats, vote share dropped by 1.7%.

Conservatives and Labour had their best combined vote share since 1979.

Question 2

5

Decline of Two-Party Dominance

Answer 2

• % of seats won by two main parties fell from 95.8% (1979) to 86.7%.
• % of votes for main two parties declined from ~80% in 1979 to 65% in 2010 (historical low).
• 2015 – two-party vote share: 66%.
• 2019 – two-party vote share rebounded to 82%, suggesting reversal of partisan dealignment.
• Decline of 9.1% over 36 years (1979–2015) shows only minor erosion of two-party dominance in Parliament.

Question 3

5

Turnout, Participation & Party Membership

Answer 3

• 2019 local elections turnout: 35%.
• General election turnout (2019): 69%.
• Historical decline from ~83% in 1950s.
• Membership of political parties fell from 2 million (1980s) to <500,000 by 2012.
• Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour saw a surge of 300,000 new members in 2015.

Question 3

4

Representation and Democracy in Parliament

Answer 3

• Philip Davies (Conservative, Shipley) follows the delegate model – puts constituency before party.

But many MPs toe the party line.
Social representation issues:

• BME MPs = 10% in 2019, vs 14% of UK population.
• 29% of MPs in 2019 were privately educated vs 7% of the public.

FPTP system distorts representation:

• In 2015, SDLP won Belfast South with just 24.5% of the vote.
• House of Lords has community and industry representatives (e.g. Lord Dannatt, Lord Sugar), but:

Peers are unelected, with overrepresentation of CofE Bishops (26)

Question 4

6

Direct Democracy – Strengths & Limitations

Answer 4

• 2014 Scottish Independence Referendum – civilised, well-informed debate.

Brexit Referendum (2016):

• Turnout: 72.2%.
• Raised issues of ‘tyranny of the majority’, ignoring the 48% Remain voters.
• Concerns over lack of informed voting – oversimplification of complex issues.
• Media manipulation – e.g., Sun headline “Queen backs Brexit” not fact-based.
• Political scandals (e.g., 2009 MPs’ expenses, cash for honours) contribute to distrust.

Question 5

3

Increased Political Participation Outside Elections

Answer 5

• Growth in pressure groups and new social movements:

Occupy movement (2011), anti-Iraq war protests.

• E-petitions:

Trump ban (2015): 586,000 signatures – debated in Parliament.

People’s Vote March (March 2019) – over 1 million participants.

• Government has introduced more citizen involvement:

Forums, juries, focus groups.

Police and Crime Commissioners introduced to increase democratic oversight.

Question 6

4

Disconnection Between Politicians and Public

Answer 6

• Rise of career politicians (e.g., Cameron, Balls, Miliband) increases alienation.
• Safe seats reduce accountability – e.g., Bootle in Liverpool.
• MPs may ignore local views – Kate Hoey (Vauxhall) was pro-Brexit in a Remain-heavy area.
• MPs don’t always follow delegate model, causing constituents to feel disconnected.

Question 7

5

🏛️ Democratic Development & Political Reform

Answer 7

Devolution across the UK has enhanced local democratic control.

• The Constitutional Reform Act 2005 strengthened judicial independence.
• Freedom of Information Act improved transparency.
• Recall of MPs Act empowered public to hold MPs accountable.
• Fixed-term parliaments introduced under the Coalition government.
• Historically, Reform Acts (1867, 1884) and Representation of the People Acts (1918, 1928, 1948) expanded suffrage and reduced corruption.

Question 8

4

📉 Democratic Deficits & Participation Issues

Answer 8

• Low turnout: 2019 local elections = 35%; general elections hover 65–70%.
• Belfast South (2015): Won with just 24.5% of the vote – highlights FPTP flaws.
• Apathy and ‘pick and mix’ politics reflect a rise in individualism and weakened civic culture.
• Parliament unrepresentative: BME MPs = 10%, while population ≈ 14%; 29% MPs privately educated vs 7% of population.

Question 9

5

Pressure Groups (PGs) – Power & Limitations

Answer 9

Success depends on: insider status, size, public support, resources, and alignment with government.

• Insider Examples: CBI under Conservatives; Trade Unions less influential under Tories.
• Celebrity/Media: Joanna Lumley (Gurkhas), Hugh Grant (Hacked Off) boosted campaigns.
• Despite 1 million marchers in Stop the War (2003), government policy unchanged.
• ‘Plane Stupid’, Fathers 4 Justice, and Extinction Rebellion failed to change laws despite visibility.
• PGs reflect tailored, ‘sectional’ politics (e.g. NFU, BMA); some blur lines (e.g. CBI using national economic framing).

Question 10

4

🗳️ Representation & Electoral Politics

Answer 10

• Philip Davies (Con, Shipley) follows delegate model, prioritizing constituents over party.
• Suffragettes and women’s vote expansion highlight historical struggle for political rights.
• Welsh Assembly: world’s only elected body with gender parity.
• Parties have embraced social media; Corbyn: 1.8M Twitter followers, Tories: £100M online ads (2015).

Question 11

3

⚖️ Rights, Liberty, and State Power

Answer 11

• Pressure groups like Liberty and Stonewall highlight rights violations (e.g. DRIPA 2014).
• UK rights are not constitutionally entrenched; HRA 1998 vulnerable to repeal (2015 Conservative manifesto).
• Terrorism Act 2006 expanded state power (detention: 28 days).

Question 12

5

👥 Parties – Membership, Conflict & Consensus

Answer 12

• Party membership has grown: Labour (564K, 2017), Tories (150K, 2013).
• Historical consensus: Butskellism (1950s-60s), 2005–2015 on Iraq, Terror, Economy.
• Adversary politics: 1980s Thatcher vs. Foot; potential return under Corbyn (2015) and Brexit.
• Internal conflict: Labour split (SDP 1981), Tory rebellion (2017), confidence votes (May & Corbyn).
• Corbyn seen as unifier after GE2017, despite Vote of No Confidence (2016).

Question 13

Protest Politics & Civil Engagement

Answer 13

• Rise of protest culture: Tuition Fees (2010), Fuel protests (2000), Make Poverty History (2005).
• Extinction Rebellion & Just Stop Oil show modern activism; often symbolic rather than impactful.
• Internet has fostered ‘cyberactivism’, but many protests lack legislative outcomes.

Question 14

Party Splits & Realignments

Answer 14

Labour Split (2019):
9 Labour MPs left over Corbyn’s leadership & failure to address antisemitism.
8 (incl. Chuka Umunna, Luciana Berger) formed Change UK with ex-Tories Sarah Wollaston, Anna Soubry, Heidi Allen.

Question 15

2

Media Influence & Communication

Answer 15

• Social Media:

Conservatives: Spent £1m on Facebook ads in GE2015.

Labour (Momentum): Gained traction with viral videos in GE2017.

• Traditional Media:

Example: Daily Mail (2017) – Circulation 1.5 million; 74% of readers voted Conservative.

Question 16

4

Policy Consensus Among Major Parties

Answer 16

• NHS/Health:
  All support it remaining free at the point of access. Differ on management/privatisation.
• Social Policy:
  Agreement on tackling inequality, family breakdown, deprivation. Differ on methods.
• Environment:
  Shared concern for climate change and renewables. Disagree on nuclear, policy pace.
• Economy:
  Consensus on need for fiscal restraint due to cost-of-living crisis, Covid & war fallout.

Question 16

5

Key Areas of Policy Division

Answer 16

• Crime:
  Conservatives: Focus on personal responsibility, tough punishment.

Labour: Criticise police funding cuts; advocate more support and prevention.

• Education:
  Conservatives: Support Free Schools, reform A-levels, high tuition fees.

Labour: End private school VAT exemptions, more early years funding, fairer tuition fees.

• Tax:
  Conservatives: Aim to cut taxes, but post-Covid constraints.

Labour: Oppose raising taxes for ‘working people’, target tax avoidance & loopholes.

• Welfare:
  Conservatives: Cap benefits, reduce inflationary rise in welfare.

Labour: End benefit cap, focus on child poverty, incentives to work.

• State Role:
  Conservatives: Prefer minimal, decentralised state.

Labour: Support an ‘Enabling State’, some interest in nationalisation (e.g. energy).

Question 17

5

Labour Party: Ideological Overview
Old Labour Values:

Answer 17

• Equality through redistribution.
• Collectivism & nationalisation.
• Strong trade union support.
• Class conflict as central issue.
• Centralised welfare system (e.g. NHS creation in 1948).

Question 18

4

Current Conservative Position:

Answer 18

• Economy: Tax cuts (e.g. NI), focus on growth post-Truss crisis.
• Education: British Baccalaureate, raise teacher pay, retain tuition fees.
• Health: Investment promises (e.g. 40 new hospitals), support private sector role.
• Environment: Commitment to net-zero 2050, but delays and rollbacks under Sunak.

Question 19

4

New Labour Values:

Answer 19

• Rejected class conflict; embraced middle-class aspiration.
• Accepted capitalism; invested profits for social good.
• Emphasis on opportunity, individualism, and constitutional reform (devolution, judiciary).
• Welfare reform and enabling state (use of private sector if effective).

Question 19

2

Current Labour Position:

Answer 19

• Under Starmer: Centrist, pragmatic. Retains some Corbyn-era aims but distances from full socialism.
• Policies:

Economy: Pro-growth, anti-wealth tax, fiscal discipline.

Education: Expand childcare, VAT on private schools, reduce student debt.

Health: End privatisation eventually, invest £1.1bn in operations.

Environment: £28bn over two terms, zero-carbon electricity by 2030.

Question 19

2

Conservative Party: Ideological Overview

Answer 19

• Thatcherism:
  Neoliberalism (free markets), neoconservatism (authoritarian, traditional values).

Privatisation, deregulation, anti-union policies.

• One-Nation Conservatism:
  Paternalism; state supports weakest.

Organic society – mutual obligation.

Adopted by leaders like Disraeli, Cameron, May.

Question 20

3

Ideological Overlap (Similarities)

Answer 20

• Economic Goals: Growth-focused, resist new taxes on middle earners.
• NHS: Both back increased NHS investment.
• Environment (Broad Agreement): Net-zero goals, but differ in urgency and detail.

Question 21

# 4 Clear Ideological Divide

Answer 21

- Nationalisation: Labour open to public ownership (e.g. ‘Great British Energy’); Conservatives oppose. - Green Policy: Labour more ambitious; Conservatives more cautious. - Education: Labour = equality focus; Conservatives = reform, standards. - Privatisation: Labour sceptical; Conservatives supportive.

Question 22

# 4 Influence of Small Parties

Answer 22

Evidence of Importance - Coalition Governments: 2010: Conservatives (306 seats) needed Lib Dems (57 seats) to form a government. 2017: Conservatives entered a confidence and supply agreement with the DUP after losing their majority. - Vote Share & Representation Claims: 2015 GE: UKIP – 3.8m votes; Lib Dems – 2.4m; SNP – 1.5m. - Influence on Major Parties: Greens influenced David Cameron’s green agenda in 2010. UKIP’s success contributed to Cameron calling the 2016 Brexit referendum. SNP’s rise led to the 2014 Scottish Independence Referendum and greater devolution promises. - Devolution Impact: SNP’s dominance (e.g., 48/59 seats in 2019) led to increased support for further Scottish devolution from all major UK parties.

Question 23

# 3 Limitations to small party influence

Answer 23

- FPTP Disadvantages: UKIP received 3.8m votes in 2015 but only 1 seat; none in 2017. The 2010–15 coalition is an anomaly in the context of long-standing single-party rule. - Referendum Motives: Brexit referendum arguably more about managing Conservative Party divisions than UKIP’s pressure. - Limited UK-wide Impact of Devolved Governments: E.g., NI Assembly is mainly representative, with minimal UK-wide legislative influence.

Question 24

# 3 State Funding of Parties Arguments For

Answer 24

- Reduce Corruption & Hidden Influence: Example: £2.3m in questionable donations to UKIP/Leave campaign; Conservative “Black & White Ball” event. - Level Electoral Playing Field: 2017: Conservatives raised £25m; Labour £9.5m; Lib Dems £4.4m. - Supports Democratic Engagement: Smaller parties like UKIP were £380k in debt pre-2017 election. Would promote competition and reduce reliance on wealthy donors.

Question 25

# 3 Arguments against state funding

Answer 25

- Public Opposition: Taxpayers may object to funding parties they disagree with. - Fair Distribution is Problematic: Based on past success = entrenches dominance. Based on aspirations = subjective. - Technology Reduces Need: Social media enables low-budget campaigning (e.g., Momentum videos reached 8m people in 2017).

Question 26

# 3 Criticisms of First Past the Post (FPTP) Votes vs. Seats Discrepancy:

Answer 26

2005: Labour – 35% vote, 55% seats. 2015: Conservatives – 36.9% vote, >50% seats. 2015: UKIP – 3.8m votes, 1 seat; SNP – 1.4m votes, 56 seats.

Question 27

# 3 Criticisms of First Past the Post (FPTP) Underrepresentation of Minor Parties:

Answer 27

Lib Dems (2019): 11.6% vote = only 11 seats. Greens: 835k votes, 1 seat. BNP (2010): 500k votes, 0 seats.

Question 28

# 5 Criticisms of First Past the Post (FPTP) Lack of proportionality

Answer 28

- Safe Seats & Political Inequality 2015: 368 of 650 seats considered “safe.” Low competition reduces accountability (e.g., MPs more corrupt in safe seats – 2009 Expenses Scandal). - Questionable Representation MPs often win with <50% of vote (e.g., Alasdair McDonnell with 24.5% in South Belfast, 2015). 2017: Only 319/650 MPs secured majority vote share in their constituencies. - Supposed Strength of Stability Diminishing 2010 & 2017: FPTP failed to produce strong majority government. 2019: Return to majority (Johnson, 42% vote), but trend is inconsistent. - Participation Impact Voter apathy in safe seats and “electoral deserts” (e.g., Labour in SW England). - System Bias 1997–2015: Labour benefited due to efficient vote distribution. 2019: Brexit realignment benefited Conservatives similarly.

Question 29

# 2 Referendums: Democratic or Dangerous?

Answer 29

- Pros High turnout in key referendums (e.g., 2014 Scottish: 85%; 2016 Brexit: 72.2%). - Cons Voter Fatigue & Apathy: 2011 AV Ref: Only 41% turnout. Susceptible to Manipulation: Tabloids & wealthy donors (e.g., Sun’s “Queen backs Brexit” headline; personal attacks on Nick Clegg in 2011). Negative Side Effects: Post-Brexit: 23% rise in hate crimes in England/Wales.

Question 30

# 2 Class & Voting Behaviour

Answer 30

- Decline of Class Voting 1979: 89% voted Lab or Con → 2010: down to 65%. 2017: Rebound to 82% Lab/Con – possibly temporary. AB (higher class) voters: 78% Con in 1964 → 40% in 2010. - Persistent Influence DE voters: 59% for New Labour (1997); 59% for Corbyn (2017). 2019: DE class leaned Con – Brexit influence.

Question 31

# 2 Valence Factors & Leadership

Answer 31

- Leadership image matters: Blair (1997) = youth & energy; May (2017) seen as indecisive after policy U-turns. Brown’s reputation for poor management hurt Labour in 2010. - Valence Voting: Voters judge parties based on perceived competence, not just policy.

Question 32

# 3 Age and Turnout

Answer 32

- Turnout amongst the 18–24 age bracket has been consistently the lowest across the past three general elections: 43% in 2015, 54% in 2017, and 47% in 2019. This trend is likely driven by political apathy and a lack of political education among young voters. Such low participation disadvantages parties that rely on youth support, such as Labour and the Greens, and gives an advantage to parties with older, more consistent voter bases. - In contrast, the 65+ age group has exhibited high turnout rates—78% in 2015, 71% in 2017, and 74% in 2019. Often referred to as the "grey vote," this demographic heavily favours the Conservative Party; in 2019, 62% of voters aged 65+ supported the Conservatives, compared to only 17% who backed Labour. Age is therefore a strong predictor not only of turnout but also of party preference. - The Brexit referendum further illustrated the divide: 73% of 18–24-year-olds voted Remain, while 66% of those aged 65+ voted Leave. Age remains the most consistent and significant factor influencing voting behaviour.

Question 33

# 3 Class and Class Dealignment

Answer 33

- Historically, class was a dominant factor in UK voting behaviour, with as many as 80% voting along class lines in the 1960s. The AB (upper-middle) classes typically voted Conservative, while the DE (working class) backed Labour. In 2019, turnout was 68% for AB voters but only 53% for DE voters, again favouring the Conservatives. - However, class dealignment has weakened this correlation. Fewer individuals now identify with a specific social class, and voting patterns have diversified. For example, AB support for the Conservatives fell from 78% in 1964 to just 40% in 2010. New Labour’s centrist appeal in the 1990s and the rise of the Liberal Democrats further blurred class distinctions. - Despite this, class still matters: 59% of DE voters backed Labour in 1997 and again in 2017, though this dropped significantly in 2019, when only 39% of DE voters supported Labour—marking the first time more DE voters backed the Conservatives. However, the link between class and voting is now far weaker than the consistent trend observed with age.

Question 34

# 2 Regional Patterns

Answer 34

- Regional variations also influence voting behaviour. Conservatives dominate in the South and Midlands, while Labour’s traditional strongholds in the North have been weakened, as demonstrated by the collapse of the "Red Wall" in 2019. Scotland has shifted from Labour dominance to SNP control, and while Wales remains competitive, Labour continues to lead. - However, regional influence is less effective at predicting individual voting behaviour than age. While regions may trend towards particular parties, individuals do not necessarily vote based on location alone.

Question 35

# 2 Gender and Ethnicity

Answer 35

- Gender differences in voting behaviour have largely diminished. Post-election data from 2017 showed identical vote shares for Labour and Conservatives among women (43% each), and a minimal difference among men (Labour 39%, Conservative 43%). - Ethnicity remains a more significant factor. Labour enjoys strong support among ethnic minority voters—64% of BME voters backed Labour in 2017, with a 44-point lead over the Conservatives in 2019. Nonetheless, when compared to age, ethnicity appears to be a secondary factor in terms of overall electoral impact.

Question 36

Political Participation Beyond Voting

Answer 36

Younger people are increasingly engaging through alternative political methods, such as petitions and protests. Examples include the petition to ban Donald Trump from the UK (586,000 signatures) and the Occupy London protests in 2011. These forms of participation may reflect disillusionment with formal political processes and parties, especially following unpopular policies such as the scrapping of EMAs and the tripling of tuition fees.

Question 37

The Role of Opinion Polls

Answer 37

Polls play a complex role in shaping electoral behaviour. They can be misleading—as seen in 2017 and the Brexit referendum—but also influential, sometimes discouraging turnout or prompting tactical voting. While they help parties tailor messages (e.g., Lord Ashcroft's marginal seat polling in 2015), critics argue that politicians should lead by principle rather than chase fluctuating public opinion.

Question 38

# 3 Media, Leadership, and Campaigns

Answer 38

- Media influence is significant in shaping public perceptions of party leaders, often prioritising personality over policy. Leaders like Tony Blair and Boris Johnson benefited from strong media strategies, while Ed Miliband and Theresa May suffered from damaging coverage. However, media impact may be overstated—research by John Curtice showed that voting shifts in 1997 occurred regardless of media endorsements. - The media also plays a vital role in disseminating policy information, particularly given that two-thirds of voters do not read party manifestos. Charisma and debate performance are essential, with figures like Nick Clegg in 2010 and Jeremy Corbyn in 2017 seeing boosts from strong public appearances. - Despite the importance of leadership, poor economic policies can undermine even popular leaders. For instance, May’s 2017 campaign was derailed by the backlash against the so-called "dementia tax."

Question 39

# 2 Economic Policy as a Decisive Factor

Answer 39

- Economic competence remains a cornerstone of electoral success. As the saying goes, "voters vote with their wallets." In 2015, YouGov found that economic policy was the electorate’s top concern. Since Thatcher’s 1979 campaign and the “Labour isn’t working” slogan, both major parties have emphasised their fiscal credibility. - Theresa May’s criticism of Labour’s “magic money tree” in 2017 and Cameron’s “long-term economic plan” in 2015 exemplify the strategic importance of appearing economically competent. Ultimately, even popular leaders cannot survive poor perceptions of economic management—as seen in 1979 with Callaghan, and again with May in 2017.

Question 40

# 2 📉 Partisan Dealignment (Long-term Trend)

Answer 40

- Voters have gradually turned away from the two main parties. 1974: 79% voted for Labour or Conservatives. 2010: Dropped to 67.6%. - Rise of Third Parties Increased support for smaller parties → rise of multi-party politics: UKIP: 3.8 million votes in 2015 (12.6%). Lib Dems & Greens grew in 2010s. SNP: 56 seats in 2015, 48 in 2019.

Question 41

# 4 🔁 Temporary Re-alignment: 2017 & 2019 Elections

Answer 41

Voters returned to main parties: Labour + Conservatives got 82% of votes. Tory vote share highest since 1983; Labour best since 2001. Support shift suggests possible end (or pause) to dealignment.

Question 42

# 2 More divides

Answer 42

🛤️- Clear Ideological Divide in 2017 Parties no longer in the centre ground: Labour: Corbyn’s stance on nationalisation, nuclear weapons. Conservatives: More clearly right-wing positions. 🗳️ - Youth Turnout Boost 18–24 turnout rose to 54% in 2017 (from 43% in 2015). 69% of this age group voted Labour → youth turnout influenced results.

Question 42

# 4 📉 Collapse in Third Party Support

Answer 42

UKIP: Lost ~3.3 million votes between 2015–2017. SNP: Lost 21 seats in 2017, vote share fell 13.1%. Greens: Vote share down 2.5%. Lib Dems: Gained 3 seats in 2017, but vote share declined 0.5%.

Question 43

# 3 ❌ Negative Leadership (Govt.)

Answer 43

- John Major (1992–97): Weak leadership, scandals (cash for questions, sex scandals). Divided party over Europe. - Gordon Brown: Poor handling of 2008 banking crisis. Backed out of calling 2008 election. - Theresa May (2017): Weak campaign, unpopular policies (dementia tax). Avoided TV debates → hurt image.

Question 44

🧨 Disunity in Govt. Party

Answer 44

1997 Conservatives: Deeply split on Europe; Major’s leadership challenged. 2005 Labour: Blairite vs. Brownite split → reduced majority.

Question 45

# 3 ✅ Strength of Opposition Leadership

Answer 45

- Tony Blair (1997): Charismatic, united party, strong orator. - Jeremy Corbyn (2017): Effective campaign, popular policies, strong online/media presence. - Margaret Thatcher (1979): Unpopular PM Callaghan; Tory economic policies seen as solution to crisis.